Tuesday, October 27, 2009

Erasmus, Born to Bring Back Literature

By Fred Sanders
Scriptorium Daily

Holbeins Erasmus
Today (October 27) is the birthday of Desiderius Erasmus Roterodamus, known simply as Erasmus, famous in his own time as Mr. Renaissance. He was “born to bring back literature,” his contemporaries said of him: ad restituendas literas natus.

The Renaissance was a defining event in Western intellectual history, precisely because it looked back into antiquity for inspiration. Erasmus perfected this method of looking to the writings of the past for the reinvigoration of the present. His central conviction was “that to turn to the beautiful literature of the past was not to turn away from Christianity and Christian values, as the enemies of the classics said, but that all that is great in human thought can be turned to the glory of God,” according to Margaret Mann Phillips (from “Erasmus and the Classics,” by Margaret Mann Phillips, in T.A. Dorey, ed, Erasmus. (Univ. New Mexico Press, 1970).

Phillips goes on to say that for Erasmus, “The task was primarily linguistic. It was not necessary to worship God in bad grammar; in a way it was as simple as that.”

If the richness of the classical heritage were to be recognized, and the service of Christ freed both from narrow devotion and from soulless dialectic, it was necessary to have the tools, a purified Latin and above all, Greek: it was necessary to have the texts, to publish the whole obtainable range of the classical authors and the Fathers of the Church, and the Greek text of the New Testament; it was necessary to go further and apply the standards obtained in various forms that would breathe the spirit of antiquity which was also the spirit of the modern world. The distinction of Erasmus lay in his clear vision of the object in view. It was more than a dedicatd scholar who was required here. It had to be someone whose ideals of scholarship were high but his sense of the ultimate aim still h igher; a practical idealist who could appreciat the necessity for exactitude but could see beyond it to the knitting together of the best in human experience. Erasmus was in this way the man for the hour. (p. 5)

What Erasmus hated was to see theology handled in way that was boring, drab, and mind-numbing. In a 1519 letter to a friend, he wrote about his excitement in reading old Cicero: “…it kindled in me such a love of what is fine and good, that I never felt anything like it before when reading our modern writers –who, Christians themselves, talk about the mysteries of Christian philosophy with great subtlety, as we think, but with dullness just as great.”

Is it better to read beautiful pagans than ugly Christians? Erasmus didn’t want to have to choose. He did everything in his power to bring about a world in which that stark alternative would never present itself. He invested his life’s work in giving his contemporaries the tools they needed to begin producing a Christian literature that was beautiful.

On Erasmus’ birthday, it is enough to celebrate this great Erasmian goal. Erasmus may have carried out his program in a naive way, and if it’s possible to be “too clever by half,” Erasmus was probably too clever for his own good by a factor of ten. Luther called him “an eel that only Christ could catch.” Roland Bainton pointed out that his legacy fell largely into the wrong hands: “Rejected by the Catholics as subersive and by the Protestants as evasive, he has fallen chiefly into the hands of the rationalists who have appreciated him chiefly for his satire on contemporary superstitions.” His motives, goals, and decisions were always too complex. But what he can teach us, and what we need to learn from him today is that it is not necessary to worship God in bad grammar, cant phrases, cheesy music, small ideas, or lazy formulations.

“Accomplished and Applied” in the Apostles’ Creed

By Fred Sanders
Scriptorium Daily

The Apostles’ Creed has three articles, one for each person of the Trinity.

The first article, on God the Father Almighty, is very short. He created heaven and earth. Much more could be said, but it isn’t said.

The second article is the longest, because it tells the story of Jesus: conceived by the Spirit, born of the virgin Mary, suffered under Pontius Pilate, crucified, died, buried, descended into hell, ascended into heaven, will return to judge.

The third article is the oddest of the three. It curtly says, “I believe in the Holy Spirit,” and then sounds something like a laundry list of assorted other things we believe: the holy, catholic church; the communion of saints; the forgiveness of sins; the resurrection of the body; and life everlasting.

Some Reformation commentators on the creed point out that the final three items on that list have a structural relationship to the last items in the second article. That is, they follow from the second article as applications of it to us.

Why do I believe in the forgiveness of sins (3rd Article)? Because I believe that Jesus was crucified (2nd Article).

Why do I believe in the resurrection of the body (3rd Article)? Because I believe that Jesus rose from the dead on the third day (2nd Article).

Why do I believe in life everlasting (3rd Article)? Because I believe that Jesus ascended into heaven (2nd Article).

The second article tells of how our salvation was accomplished in Christ, and the third article tells how it is applied to us by the Spirit. The second article is the story of how this redemption is worked out in the life, death, and resurrection of Christ himself; the third article tells how it is worked out by the Holy Spirit, in the church, in us.

I think that correspondence is really there in the creed. Calvin and later Reformed commentators, including the authors of the Heidelberg Catechism, expanded greatly on this correlation. Redemption is accomplished by God the Father in Christ, and applied to the church by God the Father in the Holy Spirit.

Monday, October 26, 2009

What is Grace?

By Matt Jenson
Scriptorium Daily


What is grace? A word used so indiscriminately in casual conversation, and often enough in theological exposition, can threaten to lose all significance. Here is a simple, but comprehensive definition: Grace is the effective presence of the triune God to pardon and empower.

Let’s unpack that a bit. First, grace is effective presence. That is, grace is not a ‘thing’ capable of being abstracted from the personal presence of God. It is less a measurable quality than it is the presence of God to and among his people. And this is an effective presence; it does something. God does not come to his people aimlessly or anemically, but comes to redeem, sanctify and perfect them.

Second, grace is the effective presence of the triune God. A properly theological account of God’s grace (as opposed to, though not entirely divorced from, an account of the grace of a ballerina) broadcasts the subject of grace. Nor is this ‘god’ in general, but the triune God of Christian confession, Father, Son and Holy Spirit. It is this God who is for us, with us and in us in the church. 2 Corinthians closes with a benediction: ‘The grace of the Lord Jesus Christ, the love of God, and the communion of the Holy Spirit be with all of you.’ This is not to restrict grace to a gift of Christ apart from the Father and the Spirit, for grace is the gift of the triune God. We might paraphrase the benediction by putting it thus: The loving Father gave his Son to the world that by his death and resurrection we might be brought into the fellowship that the Spirit cultivates between Father and Son. Grace is present when and where the Spirit brings Father and Son to us and us to Father and Son. And that ‘when’ and ‘where’ are the church.

Finally, grace is the effective presence of the triune God to pardon and empower. Both of these verbs are vital here. The end of pardon is empowerment; the origin of empowerment is pardon. This suggests both the profound brokenness and disorder of sinful humanity as well as God’s faithfulness to his creation such that redemption is creation’s restoration and vindication. It would do no good to empower sinful humanity; that would only be to abet the further corruption of God’s good creation. But if God merely pardoned without providing the empowerment needed to live faithfully before him in the world, the church would be left resourceless. Thus we can say: ‘Grace neither destroys, nor merely perfects nature; rather, grace perfects nature through a disruptive event which must be classified as mortification and vivification.’ (R. Michael Allen)

[For more on this, see the forthcoming book written with David Wilhite, The Church: A Guide for the Perplexed (T&T Clark, 2010).]

Friday, October 23, 2009

E. D. Hirsch’s Curriculum for Democracy

By Sol Stern
City Journal

A content-rich pedagogy makes better citizens and smarter kids.

At his Senate confirmation hearing in February, Arne Duncan succinctly summarized the Obama administration’s approach to education reform: “We must build upon what works. We must stop doing what doesn’t work.” Since becoming education secretary, Duncan has launched a $4.3 billion federal “Race to the Top” initiative that encourages states to experiment with various accountability reforms. Yet he has ignored one state reform that has proven to work, as well as the education thinker whose ideas inspired it. The state is Massachusetts, and the education thinker is E. D. Hirsch, Jr.

The “Massachusetts miracle,” in which Bay State students’ soaring test scores broke records, was the direct consequence of the state legislature’s passage of the 1993 Education Reform Act, which established knowledge-based standards for all grades and a rigorous testing system linked to the new standards. And those standards, Massachusetts reformers have acknowledged, are Hirsch’s legacy. If the Obama administration truly wants to have a positive impact on American education, it should embrace Hirsch’s ideas and urge other states to do the same.

Hirsch draws his insights from well outside traditional education scholarship. He started out studying chemistry at Cornell University but, mesmerized by Nabokov’s lectures on Russian literature, switched his major to English. Hirsch did his graduate studies at Yale, one of the citadels in the 1950s of the New Criticism, which argued that the intent of an author, the reader’s subjective response, and the text’s historical background were largely irrelevant to a critical analysis of the text itself. But by the time Hirsch wrote his doctoral dissertation—on Wordsworth—he was already breaking with the New Critics. “I came to see that the text alone is not enough,” Hirsch said to me recently at his Charlottesville, Virginia, home. “The unspoken—that is, relevant background knowledge—is absolutely crucial in reading a text.” Hirsch’s big work of literary theory in his early academic career, Validity in Interpretation, reflected this shift in thinking. After publishing several more well-received scholarly books and articles, he received an endowed professorship and became chairman of the English department at the University of Virginia.

Hirsch was at the pinnacle of the academic world, in his mid-fifties, when he was struck by an insight into how reading is taught that, he says, “changed my life.” He was “feeling guilty” about the department’s inadequate freshman writing course, he recalls. Though UVA’s admissions standards were as competitive as the Ivies’, the reading and writing skills of many incoming students were poor, sure to handicap them in their future academic work. In trying to figure out how to close this “literacy gap,” Hirsch conducted an experiment on reading comprehension, using two groups of college students. Members of the first group possessed broad background knowledge in subjects like history, geography, civics, the arts, and basic science; members of the second, often from disadvantaged homes, lacked such knowledge. The knowledgeable students, it turned out, could far more easily comprehend and analyze difficult college-level texts (both fiction and nonfiction) than their poorly informed brethren could. Hirsch had discovered “a way to measure the variations in reading skill attributable to variations in the relevant background knowledge of audiences.”

This finding, first published in a psychology journal, was consistent with Hirsch’s past scholarship, in which he had argued that the author takes for granted that his readers have crucial background knowledge. Hirsch was also convinced that the problem of inadequate background knowledge began in the early grades. Elementary school teachers thus had to be more explicit about imparting such knowledge to students—indeed, this was even more important than teaching the “skills” of reading and writing, Hirsch believed. Hirsch’s insight contravened the conventional wisdom in the nation’s education schools: that teaching facts was unimportant, and that students instead should learn “how to” skills.

Hirsch gave a lecture on the implications of his study at a Modern Language Association conference and then expanded the argument in a 1983 article, titled “Cultural Literacy,” in The American Scholar. The article caused a stir, not so much in the academy (and certainly not in the ed schools) as among public intellectuals. William Bennett, then chair of the National Endowment for the Humanities, encouraged Hirsch to pursue his theme. Education historian Diane Ravitch urged him to get a book out fast and to call it Cultural Literacy as well.

Hirsch heeded the advice, and in 1987, the book landed on the New York Times’s bestseller list, where it stayed for 26 weeks, resulting in a dramatic career change for the author. He kept researching and writing about how to improve the “cultural literacy” of young Americans and launched the Core Knowledge Foundation, which sought to create a knowledge-based curriculum for the nation’s elementary schools. A wide range of scholars assisted him in specifying the knowledge that children in grades K–8 needed to become proficient readers. For example, the Core Knowledge curriculum specifies that in English language arts, all second-graders read poems by Robert Louis Stevenson, Emily Dickinson, and Gwendolyn Brooks, as well as stories by Rudyard Kipling, E. B. White, and Hans Christian Andersen. In history and geography, the children study the world’s great rivers, ancient Rome, and the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, among other subjects.

By the late 1980s, Hirsch had all but abandoned academic literary studies and become a full-time education reformer. His curriculum appeared at an opportune moment. Four years earlier, the U.S. government had released A Nation at Risk, a widely publicized report about falling SAT scores and the mediocre education that most American kids were getting. The report set off shock waves among parents, many of whom weren’t thrilled, either, when they heard educators dismissing the report’s implications. Parents saw Hirsch’s call for a coherent grade-by-grade curriculum as an answer.

I was one of those parents. My children were students at P.S. 87 on Manhattan’s Upper West Side, also known as the William Tecumseh Sherman School. Our school enjoyed a reputation as one of the city’s education jewels, and parents clamored to get their kids in. But most of the teachers and principals had trained at Columbia University’s Teachers College, a bastion of so-called progressive education, and militantly defended the progressive-ed doctrine that facts were pedagogically unimportant. I once asked my younger son and some of his classmates, all top fifth-grade students, whether they knew anything about the historical figure after whom their school was named. Not only were they clueless about the military leader who delivered the final blow that brought down America’s slave empire; they hardly knew anything about the Civil War, either. When I complained to the school’s principal, he reassured me: “Our kids don’t need to learn about the Civil War. What they are learning at P.S. 87 is how to learn about the Civil War.”

Were it not for Hirsch’s Cultural Literacy, I might have accepted the reassurance. But Hirsch, as it happened, had cited an experiment that found that college students unable to comprehend a difficult passage about the Civil War by historian Bruce Catton were also likely not to have learned anything about the Civil War in the early grades. From that point on, my wife and I accelerated our children’s supplementary home schooling and sometimes used the Core Knowledge Foundation’s guide to the “mere facts” that children should know in each grade.

Like A Nation at Risk, Cultural Literacy came under fierce attack by education progressives, partly for its theory of reading comprehension but even more for its supposedly elitist presumption that a white male college professor should decide what American children learn. Critics derided Hirsch’s lists of names, events, and dates as arbitrary, even racist. The progressives often lumped him in with the three “killer Bs”—Bennett, (Allan) Bloom, and (Saul) Bellow—whom they loved to hate at the height of the 1980s culture wars. Because Bloom’s The Closing of the American Mind appeared just above Cultural Literacy on the bestseller lists for most of 1987, many liberal commentators paired the two writers, calling them conservatives agitating for a return to a more traditional, elitist education.

In fact, Hirsch is and always has been a liberal Democrat. Far from being elitist, he insists, cultural literacy is the path to educational equality and full citizenship for the nation’s minority groups. “Cultural literacy constitutes the only sure avenue of opportunity for disadvantaged children,” Hirsch writes, and “the only reliable way of combating the social determinism that now condemns them to remain in the same social and educational condition as their parents. That children from poor and illiterate homes tend to remain poor and illiterate is an unacceptable failure of our schools, one which has occurred not because our teachers are inept but chiefly because they are compelled to teach a fragmented curriculum based on faulty educational theories.”

Hirsch’s next book, The Schools We Need and Why We Don’t Have Them (1999), took the argument about core knowledge and educational equity to the next level by dismantling those faulty theories. Hirsch’s early academic work on Wordsworth and the Romantics helped him in this project, since he could see how the progressives’ education agenda was rooted in a deeply flawed understanding of child development that went back to Rousseau. “The Romantics were wonderful for poetry but wrong about life,” Hirsch tells me, “and they were particularly wrong about education.” European Romanticism, he argued in the book, “has been a post-Enlightenment aberration, a mistake we need to correct.”

Influenced by the Romantics, progressive-education doctrine held that children learn best “naturally” and that we should not drill “lifeless” facts into their developing minds. Such views, which became prevalent in American teacher training by the 1920s, Hirsch shows, represented a sharp break with the Founding Fathers, who believed that children needed to learn a coherent, shared body of knowledge for the new democracy to work. Thomas Jefferson even proposed a common curriculum, so that children’s “memories may here be stored with the most useful facts from Grecian, Roman, European, and American history.”

By the time Hirsch turned his attention to education reform in the mid-1980s, Romanticism’s triumph was complete. Most public schools, for instance, taught reading through the “whole language” method, which encourages children to guess the meaning of words through context clues rather than to master the English phonetic code. In many schools, a teacher could no longer line up children’s desks in rows facing him; indeed, he found himself banished entirely from the front of the classroom, becoming a “guide on the side” instead of a “sage on the stage.” In my children’s elementary school, students in the early grades had no desks at all but instead sat in circles on a rug, hoping to re-create the “natural” environment that education progressives believed would facilitate learning. In the 1970s and 1980s, progressive education also absorbed the trendy new doctrines of multiculturalism, postmodernism (with its dogma that objective facts don’t exist), and social-justice teaching.

More powerfully than any previous critic, Hirsch showed how destructive these instructional approaches were. The idea that schools could starve children of factual knowledge, yet somehow encourage them to be “critical thinkers” and teach them to “learn how to learn,” defied common sense. But Hirsch also summoned irrefutable evidence from the hard sciences to eviscerate progressive-ed doctrines. Hirsch had spent the better part of the decade since Cultural Literacy mastering the findings of neurobiology, cognitive psychology, and psycholinguistics on which teaching methods best promote student learning. The scientific consensus showed that schools could not raise student achievement by letting students construct their own knowledge. The pedagogy that mainstream scientific research supported, Hirsch showed, was direct instruction by knowledgeable teachers who knew how to transmit their knowledge to students—the very opposite of what the progressives promoted.

The ed-school establishment has worked busily to discredit Hirsch. In 1997, the journal of the American Educational Research Association (AERA), the umbrella organization representing most education professors and researchers, launched an unprecedented 6,000-word dismissal of his work. Hirsch recounts, too, how he finally got the nod to teach one course on the black-white achievement gap—a hot topic—in Virginia’s education department, though not until he had won all of his university’s academic honors, written one best-selling book on education, and written another listed by the New York Times as a notable book of the year. But whereas his courses in the English department always overflowed with students, his education course drew only a handful for three straight years. Finally, one of the students broke the news: the education faculty had repeatedly warned them not to take the course.

Hirsch shrugs off these slights and keeps working. At 81, he has written what may be his most important book, The Making of Americans: Democracy and Our Schools, which deepens his argument about the American Founders’ support for core knowledge.

Hirsch recounts the famous story of Benjamin Franklin leaving the Constitutional Convention and being asked by a lady, “Well, Doctor, what have we got?” Franklin’s memorable answer: “A Republic, madam, if you can keep it.” Inculcating young Americans in the new democratic civic religion, the Founders believed, was the best way to “keep the Republic” and preserve it from “factions,” voters who cared only about their own groups’ narrow interests. Schools needed to help create virtuous, civic-minded, and knowledgeable citizens—and the best way for them to do that was to teach the same grade-by-grade curriculum to each child. “The school would be the institution that would transform future citizens into loyal Americans,” Hirsch writes. “It would teach common knowledge, virtues, ideals, language, and commitments.”

Hirsch’s description of the Founders’ educational views is both reverential and elegiac. Most American leaders, well into the nineteenth century, believed passionately that schools’ main task was “the making of Americans,” Hirsch writes. He refers here not only to the millions of European immigrants arriving throughout the nineteenth century but also to native-born Americans from different regions and religions, who needed common schools as the means of acculturation into the “common language community” of a still-new country.

Lincoln’s famous Lyceum speech of 1838, Hirsch notes, was primarily about common schooling and shared knowledge as democratic touchstones. In the speech, Lincoln assigned schools the task of teaching the American credo of “solidarity, freedom, and civic peace above all other principles.” Let these principles, Lincoln said, “be taught in schools, in seminaries, and in colleges—let it be written in Primmers [sic], spelling books and almanacs.” These beliefs were already reaching young Americans through Noah Webster’s grammars and dictionaries and William McGuffey’s readers.

After Hirsch has memorialized early American education, you can almost hear his remorse as he surveys what passes for higher thinking today in the education schools and teachers’ organizations. In The Making of Americans, Hirsch again shows how consensus science proves that “a higher-order academic skill such as reading comprehension requires prior knowledge of domain-specific content.” But the ed schools’ closed “thoughtworld” (Hirsch’s term) has insulated itself from science. For that matter, future classroom teachers must search far in ed-school syllabi to find a single reference to any of Hirsch’s work—yet required readings by radical education thinkers such as Paulo Freire, Jonathan Kozol, and ex-Weatherman Bill Ayers are common. From these texts, prospective teachers will learn that the purpose of schooling in America isn’t to create knowledgeable, civic-minded citizens, loyal to the nation’s democratic institutions, as Jefferson dreamed, but rather to undermine those institutions and turn children into champions of “social justice” as defined by today’s America-hating far Left.

Hirsch’s theories, long merely persuasive, now have solid empirical backing in Massachusetts’s miraculous educational reforms. Before the state passed its reform legislation, school districts employed a hodgepodge of instructional approaches, had no standard curriculum, and neglected academic content. But one element of the 1993 Education Reform Act was Hirschean knowledge-based curricula for each grade. The history and social-science curriculum, for instance, makes clear that students should be taught explicitly about their rich heritage, rather than taught how to learn about that heritage. The curriculum calls for schools to “impart to their students the learning necessary for an informed, reasoned allegiance to the ideals of a free society.” This learning includes “the vision of a common life in liberty, justice, and equality as expressed in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution two centuries ago.” Why is this essential? “We are convinced that democracy’s survival depends upon our transmitting to each new generation the political vision of liberty and equality that unites us as Americans. It also depends on a deep loyalty to the political institutions our founders put together to fulfill that vision.”

In the new millennium, Massachusetts students have surged upward on the biennial National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP)—“the nation’s report card,” as education scholars call it. On the 2005 NAEP tests, Massachusetts ranked first in the nation in fourth- and eighth-grade reading and fourth- and eighth-grade math. It then repeated the feat in 2007. No state had ever scored first in both grades and both subjects in a single year—let alone for two consecutive test cycles. On another reliable test, the Trends in International Math and Science Studies, the state’s fourth-graders last year ranked second globally in science and third in math, while the eighth-graders tied for first in science and placed sixth in math. (States can volunteer, as Massachusetts did, to have their students compared with national averages.) The United States as a whole finished tenth.

In fact, in the quarter-century since A Nation at Risk and the first edition of Cultural Literacy, the academic performance of American students has continued to lag behind most of the developed world. SAT scores are up slightly in math but remain flat in reading. With the notable exception of Massachusetts, NAEP reading scores are also flat in most states. According to the ACT administrators, under one-quarter of high school graduates taking the 2009 test were “college ready.”

It is hard to imagine that our students, particularly in grades 3–8, wouldn’t have done much better if the schools had adopted the Hirsch solution of a content-rich, grade-by-grade curriculum and recognized that the way for students to achieve advanced reading comprehension is to master a broad range of background knowledge. By now, it should be evident that teaching children in the early grades “how to learn about the Civil War” will not necessarily lead them ever to learn about the Civil War—or about any of the other pivotal events in their country’s history.

The most hopeful alternative to dead-end progressive education is still to be found in Charlottesville. The national headquarters of the Core Knowledge Foundation is located a block or two from the University of Virginia in a sprawling, two-story residential house with a wraparound porch. A staff of about 25 people is working on a new K–3 reading program and bringing the Core Knowledge K–8 curriculum up to date with the latest relevant subject matter. The staff also maintains contact with a network of about 1,000 Core Knowledge schools around the country (many of them charters).

Some Core Knowledge supporters have urged Hirsch to move the foundation 100 miles northeast, to the nation’s capital. After all, Washington is the main battleground of school reform, where all the other big-time education organizations—the two national teachers’ unions, the professional teachers’ organizations, the AERA, the education think tanks—are located, so that they can lobby Congress and sell their wares to federal education officials. But Hirsch is an American original and an incurable optimist. Not only does he trust that if you build a better mousetrap, the world will come to your door; he thinks that it’s appropriate that his foundation should remain near the college that was Jefferson’s greatest education creation.

Perhaps the time isn’t too far off when Hirsch’s optimism will be vindicated. There’s a tantalizing hint of that possibility on the dust jacket of The Making of Americans. Original Core Knowledge supporter Diane Ravitch offers praise for the book, but two of the other blurbers are more surprising: Randi Weingarten, the newly installed president of the million-member American Federation of Teachers, and Joel Klein, chancellor of the nation’s largest school district. Usually, you hear those two names spoken in the same breath only when they’re in contention. Last month, moreover, Klein unfurled the results of a study that compared ten city schools using the Core Knowledge reading program with schools using other curricula. The Core Knowledge kids achieved progress at a rate that was “more than five times greater,” Klein said, heaping praise on the program.

The problem is that Core Knowledge programs are still in only a handful of schools in New York City, while how-to programs straight out of Teachers College are in about 700. Let Klein and Weingarten jointly decide that this ratio should be reversed, and it will be the beginning of a new era in school reform. It will also be a fitting testament to America’s most important education reformer of the last century.

Wednesday, October 21, 2009

Semper Reformanda

By Michael S. Horton
Ligonier Ministries

Pro Ecclesia: For the Church

If you've been in Protestant circles for very long, whether conservative or liberal, you may have heard the phrase "reformed and always reforming" or sometimes just "always reforming." I hear it a lot these days, especially from friends who want our Reformed churches to be more open to moving beyond the faith and practice that is confessed in our doctrinal standards. Even in Reformed circles of late, various movements have arisen that challenge these standards. How can confessions and catechisms written in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries guide our doctrine, life, and worship in the twenty-first? Liberal Protestants frequently invoked this phrase to justify their captivity to the spirit of the age, but some conservative Protestants also use it to encourage a broader definition of what it means to be Reformed.

But where did this phrase come from? Its first appearance was in a 1674 devotional by Jodocus van Lodenstein, who was an important figure in Dutch Reformed pietism -- a movement known as the Dutch Second Reformation. According to these writers, the Reformation reformed the doctrine of the church, but the lives and practices of God's people always need further reformation.

Van Lodenstein and his colleagues were committed to the teaching of the Reformed confession and catechism; they simply wanted to see that teaching become more thoroughly applied as well as understood. However, here is his whole phrase: "The church is reformed and always [in need of] being reformed according to the Word of God." The verb is passive: the church is not "always reforming," but is "always being reformed" by the Spirit of God through the Word. Although the Reformers themselves did not use this slogan, it certainly reflects what they were up to; that is, if one quotes the whole phrase!

Each clause is crucial. First, the church is Reformed, and this should be written with a capitalized "R." If it is true that Jesus rose from the dead two millennia ago in Palestine, then it is just as true in our time and place. The ecumenical creeds confess the faith that we all share across a multitude of cultures and eras. Similarly, the Reformed standards (such as the Three Forms of Unity and the Westminster Confession and Catechisms) summarize what Reformed Christians believe to be the clear teaching of God's Word. Churches will always be changing in significant ways depending on their time and place, but these communal ways of confessing Christ remain faithful summaries of "the faith once and for all delivered to the saints" (Jude 3).

Our forebears who invoked this phrase had in mind the consolidation of catholic and evangelical Christianity embodied in the Reformed confessions and catechisms. There is a reason that this wing of the Reformation called itself "Reformed." Unlike the Anabaptists, Reformed churches understood themselves as a continuing branch of the catholic church. At the same time, the Reformed wanted to reform everything "according to the Word of God." Not only our doctrine but our worship and life must be determined by Scripture and not by human whim or creativity.

Interestingly, it is a mainline Presbyterian theologian, Anna Case-Winters, who brings attention to what she calls "our misused motto." Winters points out that "in the 16th-century context the impulse it reflected was neither liberal nor conservative, but radical, in the sense of returning to the 'root.'" This was reflected in the rallying cry, sola Scriptura (by Scripture alone). The Reformation had no interest in "change" as an end in itself. As Calvin argued in his treatise "The Necessity of Reforming the Church," the Reformers were charged with innovation when in fact it was the medieval church's innovative distortions of Christian faith and worship that required a recovery of apostolic Christianity. Rome pretended to be "always the same," but it had accumulated a host of doctrines and practices that were unknown to the ancient church, much less to the New Testament.

Some people today leave out the "Reformed" part or at least interpret it as "reformed" (little "r"): the church is "always being reformed according to the Word of God." This means that to be Reformed is simply to be reformed and to be reformed is simply to be biblical. All who base their beliefs on the Bible are therefore "reformed," regardless of whether their interpretations are consistent with the common confessions of the Reformed churches. However, this runs counter to the original intention of the phrase. Doubtless there are many beliefs and practices that Reformed believers share in common with non-Reformed believers committed to God's Word. We must always remain open to correction from our brothers and sisters in other churches who have interpreted the Bible differently. Nevertheless, Reformed churches belong to a particular Christian tradition with its own definitions of its faith and practice. We believe that our confessions and catechisms faithfully represent the system of doctrine found in Holy Scripture. We believe that to be Reformed is not only to be biblical; to be biblical is to be Reformed. As important as it is to keep "Reformed" in the phrase, an even more dangerous omission is often found among more liberal Protestants who also leave out the "according to the Word of God" clause. And usually it is "always reforming," instead of "always being reformed." In this view, the church is the active party, determining its own doctrine, worship, and discipline in the light of ever-changing cultural contexts. Progressivism becomes an end in itself and the church becomes a mirror of the world.

Yet those of us in confessional Reformed churches must also beware of forgetting that our doctrinal standards are subordinate to the Word of God. Christ's church was reformed by God's Word in the Reformation and post-Reformation era. It was brought back to God's Word and the fruit of that great work of the Spirit continues to guide us through our confessions and catechisms. And yet the church is not only Reformed; it is always in need of being reformed. Like our personal sanctification, our corporate faithfulness is always flawed. We don't need to move beyond the gains of the Reformation, but we do need further reformation. But here is where the last clause kicks in: "always being reformed according to the Word of God."

It is not because the culture is always changing and we need to be up with the times, but because we are always in need of being re-oriented to the Word that stands over us, individually and collectively, that the church can never stand still. It must always be a listening church. "Faith comes by hearing, and hearing through the word of Christ" (Rom 10:17). Personally and corporately, the church comes into being and is kept alive by hearing the gospel. The church is always on the receiving end of God's good gifts as well as His correction. The Spirit does not lead us apart from the Word but directs us back to Christ as He is revealed in Scripture. We always need to return to the voice of our Shepherd. The same gospel that creates the church sustains and renews it. Our personal conformity to the Word that Paul commands in Romans 12 is never completed in this life, and the same is true of the church in this present age.

This perspective keeps us from making tradition infallible but equally from imbibing the radical Protestant obsession with starting from scratch in every generation. When God's Word is the source of our life, our ultimate loyalty is not to the past as such or to the present and the future, but to "that Word above all earthly pow'rs," to borrow from Luther's famous hymn. Neither behind us nor ahead of us, but above us, reigns our sovereign Lord over His body in all times and places. When we invoke the whole phrase -- "the church Reformed and always being reformed according to the Word of God" -- we confess that we belong to the church and not simply to ourselves and that this church is always created and renewed by the Word of God rather than by the spirit of the age.

Monday, October 19, 2009

Happy Birthday to Matthew Henry: Read the Bible and Pray

By Fred Sanders
Scriptorium Daily

Today (October 18) is the day Matthew Henry (1662-1714) was born. The right way to celebrate his birthday is to read the Bible and pray. Henry left a literary legacy that helps you do both.

His commentary on the Bible is a remarkable achievement: a one-man show, available in one volume (though the classic form is six volumes). Generations of Bible students have found it to be a helpful guide. This is the work he’s famous for, and rightly so.

But he also wrote a book that teaches you how to pray in a Biblical and powerful way. Henry’s Method for Prayer, while much less famous than his commentary, has nevertheless gathered generations of grateful fans. To see the original text, check out the scanned version at Google Books.

You probably won’t want to use that version, though, even if your eyes are sharp enough. Instead, check out the deluxe online edition hosted by the Alliance of Confessing Evangelicals, prepared by Ligon Duncan, William McMillan, and Dan Arnold. It’s a site with plenty of bells and whistles. I especially appreciate the way Henry’s constant Scriptural allusions have been incorporated into the site design.

Duncan and company have entitled the online edition “Pray the Bible,” and that is an apt description of what Henry trains you to do. His remarkable fluency with Scripture informed his prayers, and this book trains you to incorporate Scripture itself into your own prayers. If you want a quick introduction to this tour-de-force of Scriptural allusiveness, check out his expanded paraphrase of the Lord’s Prayer. To see him pull in all the major references to God’s fatherhood is to watch the first line of the Lord’s Prayer blossom with all the richness of a full biblical theology. This is the real stuff: This is what “Father” meant on the lips of Jesus himself as he taught his disciples to pray it.

Henry’s book is especially helpful for rescuing your private devotions (rather than “common prayer” or congregational prayer) from the vagueness and redundancy that we are all prone to. But if you take a few months to learn the habit of praying God’s words back to him, you will also find yourself a more helpful intercessor whenever you pray aloud with others.

Monday, October 12, 2009

Arminius the Calvinist

By Fred Sanders
Scriptorium Daily

Today (October 10) is the birthday of Jacobus Arminius (1560-1609), the Dutch theologian whose given name was Jakob Harmenszoon. If he had been American, we’d have called him Jimmy Harmenson. But he wrote theology in Latin, and for some reason it has been the latinized version of his name that caught on. We don’t call John Calvin Caluinus, but we do call Jakob Harmenszoon Arminius. He’s become “one-name famous” like Bono, and he’s famous for not being Calvinist.

Choose this day: Are you Calvinist or Arminian? As theological systems go, it makes perfect sense to draw a clear line between the Reformed theology that is popularly summarized in the five points of TULIP on the one hand, and the dissent from those five doctrines on the other hand. There is a constellation of “the doctrines of grace” that make you Reformed if you embrace them, and something else if you don’t. The most useful label associated with that “something else” is Arminian.

But what about Jimmy Harmenson Arminius himself? Theologians and historians of an Arminian theological persuasion have often pointed out that he was a pastor in the Reformed church of the Netherlands, that he subscribed to numerous Reformed doctrinal statements (including the Heidelberg Catechism and the Belgic Confession), and a teacher in a Reformed seminary. Those things add up to the conclusion, they say, that Arminius was in fact a Reformed theologian. He wasn’t Roman Catholic, after all, or Lutheran, or Baptist. Since there were no other churchly options in the late sixteenth century, he clearly belongs in the Reformed category, as everybody connected to his teaching or pastoral ministry would have told you. Everybody except his opponents, that is, who would press the point that Arminius was working awfully hard to create enough room inside of the Reformed tradition that a theologian could reject 4 or 5 important points and still be called “Reformed.”

Arminius a Calvinist? What’s next, Luther a Catholic, Laud a Puritan, Ratzinger an Anglican, and D.A. Carson Emergent? That way lies madness.

But the fact is, for historical purposes, it’s actually a pretty difficult question, and we have to be careful when talking about the actual, historical Arminius. Richard Muller took up this whole complicated question in a recent article in the Westminster Theological Journal, entitled Arminius and the Reformed Tradition (WJT 70 (2008): 19-48). His essay is (as readers of Muller would expect) comprehensive and nuanced, and is likely to be the last word on the subject.

Speaking of lat words, here is how Muller wraps up his consideration of the question:

In conclusion, was Arminius Reformed? The answer remains mixed: in terms of his theological training, churchly allegiance, pastoral charge, and by stated subscription to confessional standards, namely the Belgic Confession and the Heidelberg Catechism, he was Reformed. Certainly, also, he was Reformed in the generic or colloquial sense of being of the Protestant rather than of the Roman faith. By documentable theological conviction, however, he placed himself outside the Reformed understanding of the confessions of the Dutch Reformed churches, as it had been established in earlier debates both in the Netherlands and elsewhere. He was not schismatic nor was he a vociferous opponent of the confessions. Rather, he sought revision, namely, a revision that would render the documents broader in definition and consistently less specific on controverted points of doctrine. Given that his own teachings on predestination were neither fully published until the year before his death nor condemned by synodical decision until a decade later, there is a rather technical sense belonging to church order in which one can argue that Arminius was Reformed, albeit dissident, until the day he died.

Most of the complexity arises from the fact that Arminius was theologically on the move, and died in the middle of his transition to a clearer position. He was in fact trying to open up enough space to be “non-Calvinist” (as we would say today) in the Reformed church. The majority of the Reformed theologians judged that to be a re-definition of what it meant to be Reformed, and the dividing line was drawn more clearly. Muller goes on:

His significance is not to be denied, and it rests, in large part, on the fact that despite its numerous points of correspondence both with the Reformed theology of his time and with the teachings of his colleagues at Leiden, in several crucial points concerning predestination and the ordo salutis Arminius’s theology was not confessionally Reformed.

Arminius Reformed? Muller ends up saying yes and no in the two paragraphs quoted above. But his emphasis falls on the no, because “Reformed” has to mean something, as Arminius’ opponents in his own time kept pointing out. Muller tries to operate as a historian rather than as a systematic theologian, so he refuses to appeal to something like “the essence of Reformed theology” in order to get a normative judgment. He thinks it’s possible to say “Arminius was not Reformed” in purely sixteenth-century terms.

The statement that Arminius’s theology was not Reformed is hardly a retrospective theological judgment based on the Canons of Dort. It rests on the confessional and theological standards of Arminius’s own lifetime juxtaposed with his own clear theological preferences. It was, moreover, the conclusion drawn by a large number of his colleagues and other contemporaries who had themselves subscribed to the Belgic Confession and Heidelberg Catechism—and who neither viewed the documents as ambiguous nor were satisfied by Arminius’s own arguments and explanations.

We may be living and thinking downstream from the alternatives that Arminius himself helped establish, but that doesn’t mean we have to try to fit him into categories that were only defined with real clarity later. The argument that Arminius was Calvinist has been around for a while, but Muller seems to have clinched the argument pretty well.

Words, Words, Words – A Homily for Katherine and Peter van Elswyk

By Greg Peters
Scriptorium Daily

In a world where words are traded cheaply and oftentimes lack value and validity, Katherine and Peter, you have already and will continue to exchange words today that are, in fact, vows – promises made primarily before God but also before your family and friends. Words matter, but you both know this already. You have chosen two biblical passages to be read here today that demonstrate the emphasis that you yourselves place on words and the Word. The apostle Paul in 1 Corinthians 1 talks about a kind of wisdom that stands up against the foolishness of the world. Though the world would not listen to wisdom, that is, God’s message of salvation as revealed through his son Jesus Christ, God chose to use the foolish to preach in his name. In fact, Paul refers to the very content of the Gospel as “folly.” Of course, we know that the Good News of Jesus Christ is not foolish but it was and continues to be so to those who do not believe. While the Jews sought signs and the Greeks sought wisdom, God was making himself available to everyone in the person of Jesus Christ the Savior. For God’s foolishness “is wiser” than the wisdom of men and God is strong in weakness.

Peter, you know how to use words. You are a natural philosopher and debater. Yet, it will not be your words that effect change in the world or even in your marriage to Katherine but it will be in your “foolishness” that you will make a difference in the world and in marriage. When words fail you, and they always do, it will be your humility that speaks louder and more lovingly than your well-reasoned words. It will be your lowliness that is the greatest testimony to God’s goodness and grace. Peter, you will need to learn how to talk less with words and more with your manner of life. You will need to show your love for Katherine through your actions as much as by your words.

Katherine, you too know how to use words, for in acting you know how to make words that are not your own, be your own. You know how to take words that are written as scripts and make them so effective that they appear to be unscripted. In part, you use words to turn fiction into reality. This is not necessarily bad unless you misuse such a gift and such talent to create a world in your marriage that does not mirror the reality of your marriage. Katherine, you will need to be wise in your word choice, using words that reflect your deepest emotions and words that most accurately represent your feelings. As Peter strives to listen, you will need to be precise, for Peter prizes the craft of speaking. Do not act your emotions out before Peter but reveal yourself to him in wisely chosen words.

Furthermore, and most importantly, keep your hearts and minds attuned to the Word – Jesus Christ. “In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God.” The so-called “wise” world rejects our words that direct them to the Word. God uses fools to preach folly to the foolish. But don’t be misled. Our words do matter and they serve the purpose of pointing ourselves, other Christians and all persons to God himself. Though the world thinks that we are fools, we are not. Though the world thinks that our words are foolish, they are not. Katherine and Peter, in your marriage you need to use words to build one another up, to help instill true wisdom into your marriage. You must use words to help one another grow in the knowledge and love of God. Your words to one another should bring light and life to your marriage. Yet, do not only use your own words but spend time in the Word of God, the Scriptures. Let the words revealed there become your own words. Let the words revealed there point you to the living Word who “became flesh and dwelt among us.” The Word gave us his revealed word so that our words would be wise.

So many words! But, you both enjoy words and know how to use words! Let the words that you say to one another here today, let the marriage vows that you make to one another today, be some of most important words that you have ever uttered. Believe them. Live into them. May the words of your mouths and the meditations of your hearts be acceptable in his sight. Live up to Paul’s exhortation to the Ephesians, “As a prisoner for the Lord, then, I urge you to live a life worthy of the calling you have received.”

In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit. Amen.

Saturday, October 10, 2009

Looking for an Honest Man

By Leon Kass
National Affairs

Life would be no better than candlelight
tinsel and daylight rubbish if our spirits were
not touched by what has been, to issues of
longing and constancy.

—George Eliot, Middlemarch

If asked to identify important topics for a new journal on national affairs, few of us would think first — if at all — of the humanities and their condition in American life today. The sorry state of elementary and secondary education would surely make the list, as might the need to improve scientific literacy and technological competence, so that, as we are often told, America may remain "competitive" in the globalized economy and high-tech world of tomorrow. Attention might be invited also to political correctness in college classrooms or campus restrictions on free speech. But the larger and more important educational issue of what college students should be learning and why — and especially in the humanities — is a subject below the radar for nearly everyone.

It was not always thus. Fifty years ago, when Europeans and Americans still distinguished high culture from popular culture, and when classical learning was still highly esteemed in colleges and universities, C. P. Snow delivered his famous Rede Lecture at Cambridge University, "The Two Cultures and the Scientific Revolution." Snow did more than warn of the growing split between the old culture of the humanities and the rising culture of science. He took Britain's literary aristocracy to task for its dangerous dismissal of scientific and technological progress, which Snow believed offered the solutions to the world's deepest problems. In a vitriolic response to Snow, the literary critic F. R. Leavis defended the primacy of the humanities for a civilizing education, insisting that science must not be allowed to operate outside of the moral norms that a first-rate humanistic education alone could provide. The Snow-Leavis debate spread also to this side of the Atlantic, triggering for a time serious and searching discussions regarding the aims of higher education and the importance of the humanities.

Such discussions have, alas, largely disappeared not only from public discourse but even within the academy. Most professors in nearly all of our leading universities prefer to leave and be left alone, justifying their self-serving indifference to the goals and requirements of a liberal education by proclaiming for their students the American trumping value of choice. For themselves, they trumpet the maxim of Chairman Mao: "Let a thousand flowers bloom." In contrast to 50 years ago, few licensed humanists today embrace any view of the humanities that could in fact justify making them the centerpiece of a college curriculum. This abdication is especially regrettable because it comes precisely at a time in which, thanks largely to the successes of Snow's beloved scientific and technological revolutions, the meaning and future of our humanity cry out for serious and thoughtful attention.

Never in sympathy with these prevailing prejudices, I have devoted most of my career to addressing this challenge. Although formally trained in medicine and biochemistry — fields in which I no longer teach or practice — I have been engaged with liberal education for nearly 40 years, teaching philosophical and literary texts as an untrained amateur, practicing the humanities without a license. Perhaps precisely because I am an unlicensed humanist, I have pursued the humanities for an old-fashioned purpose in an old-fashioned way: I have sought wisdom about the meaning of our humanity, largely through teaching and studying the great works of wiser and nobler human beings, who have bequeathed to us their profound accounts of the human condition.

This essay traces my adopted career as an unlicensed humanist in an effort to suggest, by its form and its substance, what purpose a ­humanistic education might serve. I offer it not as an apologia pro vita mea, but rather in the belief that my own intellectual journey is of more than idiosyncratic interest. Although I generally deplore public ­trafficking in personal matters, I present a first-person account partly because I believe that true education takes place only in individual souls and in relation to genuine questions and personal concerns, and partly because I hope that an autobiographical thread, manifesting such questions and concerns, will make it easier for readers to join me on a journey to their own discoveries and insights about the indispensability — and limits — of humanistic inquiry today. Although the path I have followed is surely peculiar, the quest for my humanity is a search for what we all have in common. The point is not what I have learned, but rather what I have learned and, therefore, what anyone can learn with and through the humanities — and why it matters.

SEEKING A HUMAN BEING

Everyone has heard the story of Diogenes the Cynic, who went around the sunlit streets of Athens, lantern in hand, looking for an honest man. This same Diogenes, when he heard Plato being praised for defining man as "an animal, biped and featherless," threw a plucked chicken into the Academy, saying, "Here is Platonic man!" These tales display Diogenes' cynicism as both ethical and philosophical: He is remembered for mocking the possibility of finding human virtue and for mocking the possibility of knowing human nature. In these respects, the legendary Diogenes would feel right at home today in many an American university, where a professed interest in human nature and human excellence — or, more generally, in truth and goodness — invites reactions ranging from mild ridicule for one's naïveté to outright denunciation for one's attraction to such discredited and dangerous notions.

Tracing the stories about Diogenes the Cynic to their source, in ­Diogenes Laertius' Lives of Eminent Philosophers, one discovers that the apocryphal story is somewhat embroidered if not incorrect. Yes, ­Diogenes lit a lantern in broad daylight, but he did not say he was looking for an honest man. What he said was, "I am looking for [or ‘seeking'] human being" — anthrôpon zeto — either a human being or the human being, either an exemplar of humanity or the idea of humanity, or both. To be sure, purporting to seek the answer by means of candlepower affirms Diogenes' badge as cynic. But the picture also suggests a man who refuses to be taken in by complacent popular belief that we already know human goodness from our daily experience, or by confident professorial claims that we can capture the mystery of our humanity in ­definitions. But mocking or not, and perhaps speaking better than he knew, Diogenes gave elegantly simple expression to the humanist quest for self-knowledge: I seek the human being — my human being, your human being, our humanity. In fact, the embellished version of Diogenes' question comes to the same thing: To seek an honest man is, at once, to seek a human being worthy of the name, an honest-to-goodness exemplar of the idea of humanity, a truthful and truth-speaking embodiment of the animal having the power of articulate speech.

Boasting only of having undertaken his search without a grain of cynicism, I confess myself an inheritor of Diogenes' quest. In place of a ­lantern, I have lit my journey with the light of books great and good, and, equally important, with the company of teachers and students, friends and loved ones, who were on a similar quest.

I began my travels not with this question, but rather with what could be said to be its answer. I was reared in a Yiddish-speaking, secular Jewish home, a first-generation American whose parents, of blessed memory — a saintly father and a moralist mother — had immigrated via Canada from the Ukraine and from Poland. God having been left behind, along with the czar and the Russian Revolution, "humanity" was the focus of all that my parents tried to teach. The Yiddish translation of anthrôpos or "human being" is mentsch, a wonderfully capacious notion at once prosaically descriptive and inspiringly normative. To be mentschlich is to be humane, behaving decently and considerately toward others; but it is also to be human, displaying in one's own character and conduct the species-specific dignity advertised in our uniquely upright posture. Mentschlichkeit, "humanity," the disposition and practice of both "humaneness" and "human-ness," was thus the quasi-religious teaching of my home, and its content — wholly moral and wholly appealing — went unquestioned: personal integrity and honesty, self-respect and personal responsibility, consideration and respect for every human person (equally a mentsch), compassion for the less fortunate, and a concern for fairness, justice, and righteousness. To become and to be a mentsch: that was the conscious and articulated goal toward which all of my early rearing was directed.

Two things I did not understand until much later. First, I did not know that the Yiddishkeit of my youth — with its universalism and ­quasi-socialism — represented a deliberate cultural alternative to ­traditional Judaism, on whose teachings it was in fact parasitic: the prophets, one might say, without the Law. Second, I did not appreciate that the content of mentschlichkeit was in fact a disputable question, and that there were — and are — large differences of opinion, and even irresolvable tensions, regarding its meaning. The latter error was the first to be corrected. Indeed, my foray into the humanities would begin in earnest only when I discovered that the injunction to "be a mentsch" required serious reflection, both philosophical and ethical, on the meaning of our humanity.

SCIENCE AND ITS DISCONTENTS

The seeds of such reflection, bearing fruit only years later, were planted at the University of Chicago. There, in the still living remains of the college created by Robert Hutchins, I first encountered philosophical questions beyond the domain of ethics, as well as some of the competing answers to questions about human nature and human good. I was introduced to the idea of learning as an end in itself, fulfilling our human capacity for understanding. I acquired an educational prejudice in favor of discussing the great questions and reading the great books, though it would take years before I learned why these prejudices were justified. I witnessed up close the dignity of the life of teaching, for we were taught by an exemplary faculty, tenured not for their record of publications but for their devotion to devising and teaching an integrated course of study that could place young ignoramuses on the path of becoming liberally educated men and women. In the Socratic spirit, they insisted that we examine all our intellectual assumptions and starting points, and they encouraged us to put fundamental philosophical questions even to the natural sciences: What is the relation between matter and form? What makes an organism a unified and living whole? What is the nature of the psyche or soul?

These sorts of questions lay dormant as I entered upon a brief career in medicine, in retrospect another important station on the path to the human. Pre-clinical studies left me in awe of the marvel that is the human body, and of the stunning events beneath the surface that sustain our existence and enable our remarkable interactions with the world. ­Clinical experience left me in awe of the privilege — and the peril — of offering a helping hand to fellow human beings in times of crisis. Although I could not then articulate it, I was also mindful of the rare privilege, given solely to physicians, to be admitted to the inner sanctum of the patient's world. There we are allowed to bear witness as human beings — stripped of pretense and sustained only by hope, trust, and the love of kith and kin — attempt to negotiate sicknesses, suffering, and the anxiety of ­coming face-to-face with their own mortality. Not for nothing were medieval textbooks of medicine entitled De Homine — "On Man," or "On the Human Being." Not for nothing was medicine once an honored branch on the humanistic tree.

Yet precisely around the subject of our humanity, I found something missing. The science was indeed powerful, but its self-understanding left much to be desired. It knew the human parts in ever-finer detail, but it concerned itself little with the human whole. Medicine, then and now, has no concept of the human being, of the peculiar and remarkable concretion of psyche and soma that makes us that most strange and wonderful among the creatures. Psychiatry, then and even more now, is so little chagrined by its failure to say what the psyche or soul is that it denies its existence altogether. The art of healing does not inquire into what health is, or how to get and keep it: The word "health" does not occur in the index of the leading textbooks of medicine. To judge from the way we measure medical progress, largely in terms of mortality ­statistics and defeats of deadly diseases, one gets the unsettling impression that the tacit goal of medicine is not health but rather bodily immortality, with every death today regarded as a tragedy that future medical research will prevent. And, coming down from theory to practice, I found that I loved my patients and their stories more than I loved solving the puzzle of their maladies; where my colleagues found disease fascinating, I was fascinated more by the patients — how they lived, how they struggled with their suffering. Above all, I hated the autopsy room, not out of fear of death, but because the post-mortem exam could never answer my question: What happened to my patient? The clot in his coronary artery, his ruptured bowel, or whatever diseased body part that the pathologist displayed as the putative explanation of his death was utterly incommensurable with the awesome massive fact, the extinction of this never-to-be-repeated human being, for whom I had cared and for whom his survivors now grieve.

Despite these inchoate reservations, however, I continued to follow the path of science, indeed to an even more molecular level. I entered the Ph.D. program in biochemistry at Harvard, and was privileged to share in the great excitement of the golden age of molecular biology. ­Working happily on my own project, I tasted the great pleasures of independent discovery. But my biggest discovery came outside of the laboratory.

THE LIMITS OF ENLIGHTENMENT

In summer 1965, interrupting my research, my wife and I went to Mississippi to do civil-rights work. We lived with a farmer couple in rural ­Holmes County, in a house with no telephone, hot water, or indoor ­toilet. We visited many families in the community, participated in their activities, and helped with voter registration and other efforts to encourage the people to organize themselves in defense of their rights. This deeply moving experience changed my life, but not in any way I would have expected.

On returning to Cambridge, I was nagged by a disparity I could not explain between the uneducated, poor black farmers in Mississippi and many of my privileged, highly educated graduate-student friends at Harvard. A man of the left, I had unthinkingly held the Enlightenment view of the close connection between intellectual and moral ­virtue: ­Education and progress in science and technology would overcome superstition, poverty, and misery, allowing human beings to become at last the morally superior creatures that only nature's stinginess, religion, and social oppression had kept them from being. Yet in Mississippi I saw people living honorably and with dignity in perilous and meager circumstances, many of them illiterate, but sustained by religion, extended family, and community attachment, and by the pride of honest farming and homemaking. They even seemed to display more integrity, decency, and strength of character, and less self-absorption, vanity, and self-indulgence, than many of my high-minded Harvard friends who shared my progressive opinions. How could this be?

In summer 1966, my closest friend had me read Rousseau's explosive Discourse on the Sciences and the Arts, for which my Mississippi and Harvard experiences had prepared me. Rousseau argues that, pace the Enlightenment, progress in the arts and sciences does not lead to greater virtue. On the contrary, it necessarily produces luxury, augments inequality, debases tastes, softens character, corrupts morals, and weakens ­patriotism, leading ultimately not to human emancipation but to human servitude.

Rousseau complains that writers and "idle men of letters" — the equivalent of our public intellectuals, not to say professors — subvert decent opinion and corrupt the citizens: "These vain and futile declaimers go everywhere armed with their deadly paradoxes, undermining the foundations of faith and annihilating virtue. They smile disdainfully at the old-fashioned words of fatherland and religion, and devote their talents and philosophy to destroying and debasing all that is sacred among men."

Rousseau also complains that cultivation of the arts and sciences leads to inequality and contempt for the common man: "One no longer asks if a man is upright, but rather if he is talented; nor of a book if it is useful, but if it is well written. Rewards are showered on the witty, and virtue is left without honors....We have physicists, geometers, chemists, astronomers, poets, musicians, painters; we no longer have citizens."

And Rousseau complains also that formal education corrupts the young: "I see everywhere immense institutions where young people are brought up at great expense, learning everything except their duties....Without knowing how to distinguish error from truth, [your children] will possess the art of making them both unrecognizable to others by specious arguments. But they will not know what the words ­magnanimity, equity, temperance, humanity, courage are; that sweet name fatherland will never strike their ear; and if they hear of God, it will be less to be awed by him than to be afraid of him." Nowadays, a resurrected Rousseau might say instead, "If they hear of God, it is less to be awed by him than to mock him."

Could Rousseau be right? Is it really true that the natural home of intellectual progress is not the natural home of moral and civic virtue? Is it really true that, as the arts and sciences climb upward, so morals, taste, and citizenship slide downward, and, what's worse, that the rise of the former causes the fall of the latter? If so, all that I had believed about the simple harmony between intellectual and moral progress was called into question. And if the Enlightenment view was not correct, what should I think instead? For the first time in my life, I acquired some real questions, pressing questions, more challenging than those one can answer in the laboratory. A crevice had opened in my understanding of mentschlichkeit, between the humane commitments of compassion and equality and the human aspiration to excellence and upright dignity.

This crevice would widen with the two books I read right after ­Rousseau, Aldous Huxley's Brave New World and C. S. Lewis's The Abolition of Man. The first depicts a future society that — through genetic engineering, psychoactive drugs, and applied psychology — has succeeded in ridding the world of all the evils against which ­compassionate humanitarianism today does battle. Eliminated are war, poverty, and disease; anxiety, suffering, and guilt; hatred, envy, and grief; but the world thus "perfected" is peopled by creatures of human shape but of stunted humanity. They consume, fornicate, take "soma," enjoy the "feelies" and "centrifugal bumble-puppy," and operate the machinery that makes it all possible. They do not read, write, think, love, or govern themselves. Art and science, virtue and religion, family and friendship are all passé. Precisely because "progress" has eliminated the need for struggle or the call to greatness and adventure, no one aspires to anything higher than bodily health and immediate gratification. Worst of all, the denizens of the Brave New World are so dehumanized that they have no idea of what they are missing.

According to Lewis, the dehumanization threatened by the mastery of nature has, at its deepest cause, less the emerging biotechnologies that might directly denature bodies and flatten souls, and more the ­underlying value-neutral, soulless, and heartless accounts that science proffers of living nature and of man. By expunging from its account of life any notion of soul, aspiration, and purpose, and by setting itself against the evidence of our lived experience, modern biology ultimately undermines our self-understanding as creatures of freedom and dignity, as well as our inherited teachings regarding how to live — teachings linked to philosophical anthropologies that science has now seemingly dethroned.

For me, the search for anthrôpos suddenly acquired genuine urgency and poignancy, as these threats to our humanity came not from bigots and tyrants but from the rightly celebrated well-wishers and benefactors of humankind. Could we continue to reap the benefits of our new biology and our emerging biotechnologies without eroding our freedom and dignity? What features of our humanity most needed defending, both in practice and in thought? What solid ideas of human nature and human good could be summoned to the cause?

Pursuit of these questions would require a change of direction and a different approach to human affairs. In 1970, I put away scalpel and microscope to take up directly Diogenes' search for anthrôpos, hoping by studying not the hidden parts of the human being but the manifest activities of the whole, visible in broad daylight, to better understand his honest-to-goodness humanity and to help promote his true flourishing. Without realizing it, I became a humanist.

At that time, some scientists and humanists, not a few of them enthusiasts of a "post-human" future, were addressing the gap between our science and our ethics by proposing a new, "science-based ethic" and by calling upon us to "keep up" with, and to adapt ourselves to, the massive changes in human life caused by galloping scientific and technological advance. But my intuitions led me in the opposite ­direction: to try to correct the deficiencies of our scientific understanding of human nature, and to reinforce, where possible, the best of what we have learned about human goodness and human flourishing. In these pursuits, I have sought out the best that has been said and thought by those who have gone before — not because they are old and not because they are ours, but because they might help us discover vital truths that we would otherwise not see on our own. No friend of humanity should trade the accumulated wisdom about human nature and human flourishing for some half-cocked promise to produce a superior human being or human society, never mind a post-human future, before he has taken the trouble to look deeply, with all the help he can get, into the matter of our humanity — what it is, why it matters, and how we can be all that we can be.

As I look back over the nearly 40 years since I left the world of science to reflect on its human meaning, three distinct but related pursuits stand out: First, addressing the conceptual danger stressed by Lewis of a soulless science of life, to seek a more natural science, truer to life as lived. Second, addressing the practical danger stressed by Huxley of dehumanization resulting from the relief of man's estate and the sacrifice of the high to the urgent, to convey a richer picture of human dignity and human flourishing. And third, addressing the social and political dangers stressed by Rousseau of cultural decay and enfeeblement, to find cultural teachings that could keep us strong in heart and soul, no less than in body and bank account. Here are but a few high points from these three inquiries.

THE HUMAN ANIMAL

Finding a "more natural science" would serve two important goals. First, by doing justice to life as lived, it would correct the slander perpetrated upon all of living nature, and upon human nature in particular, in treating the glorious activities of life as mere epiphenomena of changes in the underlying matter or as mere devices for the replication of DNA. Second, and more positively, by offering a richer account of human nature faithful both to our animality and to the human difference, it could provide pointers toward how we might best live and flourish. Toward both goals, a "more natural science" examines directly the primary activities of life as we creatures experience them; and it revisits certain neglected notions, once thought indispensable for understanding the being and doing of all higher animals: aliveness, neediness, and purposive activity to preserve life and to meet need; openness to and awareness of the world; interest in and action on the world; felt lack of, and appetite for, desirable things from the world; on the one hand, selfhood and inwardness, on the other hand, active communication and relations with other beings, of same and different species.

Against the materialists who believe that all vital activities can be fully understood by describing the electrochemical changes in the underlying matter, a more natural science would insist on appreciating the activities of life in their own terms, and as known from the inside: what it means to hunger, feel, see, imagine, think, desire, seek, suffer, enjoy. At the same time, against those humanists who, conceding prematurely to mechanistic science all truths about our bodies, locate our humanity solely in consciousness or will or reason, a more natural science would insist on appreciating the profound meaning of our distinctive embodiment.

So, for example, I learned from psychologist Erwin Straus the humanizing significance of the upright posture: how our standing in the world, gained only through conscious effort against the pull of gravity, prefigures all our artful efforts to overcome nature's indifference to human aspiration; how our arms, supremely mobile in our personalized action space, fit us for the socializing activities of embracing, cradling, ­pointing, caressing, and holding hands, no less than for the selfish activities of grasping, fighting, and getting food to mouth; how our eyes, no longer looking down a snout to find what is edible, are lifted instead to the horizon, enabling us to take in an entire vista and to conceive an enduring world beyond the ephemeral here and now; how our refashioned mammalian mouth (and respiratory system) equips us for the possibility of speech — and kissing; and how our expressive face is fit to meet, greet, and sometimes love the faces that we meet, face-to-face, side-by-side, and arm-in-arm.

From zoologist Adolf Portmann I discovered the deeper meaning of the looks of animals, whose intricate surface beauty, not fully explained by its contributions to protective coloration or sexual ­selection, serves also to communicate inward states to fellow creatures and to announce, in the language of visibility, each animal's unique species dignity and individual identity. I even found evidence for natural teleology in, of all places, The Origin of Species, in which Darwin makes clear that evolution by natural selection requires, and takes as biologically given, the purposive drives of all organisms for self-preservation and for ­reproduction — drives the existence of which is a mystery unexplainable by natural selection.

But the greatest help in pursuit of a more natural science came, most unexpectedly, from studying pre-modern philosophers of nature, in particular Aristotle. I turned to his De Anima (On Soul), expecting to get help with understanding the difference between a living human being and its corpse, relevant for the difficult task of determining whether some persons on a respirator are alive or dead. I discovered to my amazement that Aristotle has almost no interest in the difference between the living and the dead. Instead, one learns most about life and soul not, as we moderns might suspect, from the boundary conditions when an organism comes into being or passes away, but rather when the organism is at its peak, its capacious body actively at work in energetic relation to — that is, in "souling" — the world: in the activities of sensing, imagining, desiring, moving, and thinking. Even more surprising, in place of our dualistic ideas of soul as either a "ghost in the machine," invoked by some in order to save the notion of free will, or as a separate immortal entity that departs the body at the time of death, invoked by others to address the disturbing fact of apparent personal extinction, Aristotle offers a powerful and still defensible holistic idea of soul as the empowered and empowering "form of a naturally organic body." "Soul" names the unified powers of aliveness, awareness, action, and appetite that living beings all manifest.

This is not mysticism or superstition, but biological fact, albeit one that, against current prejudice, recognizes the difference between mere material and its empowering form. Consider, for example, the eye. The eye's power of sight, though it "resides in" and is inseparable from material, is not itself material. Its light-absorbing chemicals do not see the light they absorb. Like any organ, the eye has extension, takes up space, can be touched and grasped by the hand. But neither the power of the eye — sight — nor sight's activity — seeing — is extended, ­touchable, ­corporeal. Sight and seeing are powers and activities of soul, relying on the underlying materials but not reducible to them. Moreover, sight and seeing are not knowable through our objectified science, but only through lived experience. A blind neuroscientist could give precise quantitative details regarding electrical discharges in the eye produced by the stimulus of light, and a blind craftsman could with instruction fashion a good material model of the eye; but sight and seeing can be known only by one who sees.

Even the passions of the soul are not reducible to the materials of the body. True, anger, as ancient naturalists used to say, is a heating of the blood around the heart or an increase in the bilious humor — or, as we now might say, a rising concentration of a certain polypeptide in the brain. But these partial accounts, stressing only the material ­conditions, cannot reveal the larger truth about anger: Anger, humanly understood, is a painful feeling that seeks revenge for perceived slight or insult. To understand the human truth about anger and its serious consequences, we must instead listen to the poets, beginning with ­Homer's Iliad: "Wrath, sing, o goddess, of Peleus' son Achilles, and the woes ­thousand-fold it brought upon the Achaians, sending to Hades strong souls of heroes but leaving themselves to be the delicate feastings of dogs and birds." And to understand how we come to know this or any other truth, we can never stop wondering how — marvel of marvels — Homer's winged words carry their intelligible and soul-shaping meanings, hitched to meaningless waves of sound, from the soul of genius to the hearts and minds of endless generations of attentive and sympathetic readers.

THE FLOURISHING HUMAN

If my first major pursuit was a richer view of human nature, looking afresh at the unadorned powers of the human animal, my second major pursuit was a richer account of the human good and the good human, one that would reflect the richer anthropology just discussed and one that could counter Brave New Worldly and other shrunken views of human happiness and goodness. Not surprisingly, the disagreements of the great authors regarding the human good are even greater than those regarding human nature. Yet once again, ancient philosophers offer modern readers a soul-expanding teaching, and none more than Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics, a book that I have taught a dozen times and that transformed how I look at ethics and human flourishing.

For most Americans, ethical matters are usually discussed either in utilitarian terms of weighing competing goods or balancing benefits and harms, looking to the greatest good for the greatest number, or in moralist terms of rules, rights and duties, "thou shalts" and "thou shalt nots." Our public ethical discourse is largely negative and "other-directed": We focus on condemning and avoiding misconduct by, or on correcting and preventing injustice to, other people, not on elevating or improving ourselves. How liberating and encouraging, then, to encounter an ethics focused on the question, "How to live?" and that situates what we call the moral life in the larger context of human ­flourishing. How eye-opening are arguments that suggest that happiness is not a state of passive feeling but a life of fulfilling activity, and especially of the unimpeded and excellent activity of our specifically human powers — of acting and making, of thinking and learning, of loving and befriending. How illuminating it is to see the ethical life discussed not in terms of benefits and harms or rules of right and wrong, but in terms of character, and to understand that good character, formed through habituation, is more than holding right opinions or having "good values," but is a binding up of heart and mind that both frees us from enslaving passions and frees us for fine and beautiful deeds. How encouraging it is to read an account of human life — the only such account in our philosophical tradition — that speaks at length and profoundly about friendship, culminating in the claim that the most fulfilling form of friendship is the sharing of speeches and thoughts. And how exhilarating to verify that claim, precisely when Aristotle utters it in the text, because we readers have already experienced the delights of sharing reflectively the illuminating speeches and thoughts of the author, offered to us in philosophical friendship.

But perhaps the most remarkable feature of Aristotle's teaching concerns the goals of ethical conduct. Unlike the moralists, Aristotle does not say that morality is a thing of absolute worth or that the virtuous person acts in order to adhere to a moral rule or universalizable maxim. And unlike the utilitarians, he does not say morality is good because it contributes to civic peace or to private gain and reputation. Instead, Aristotle says over and over again that the ethically excellent human being acts for the sake of the noble, for the sake of the beautiful.

The human being of fine character seeks to display his own fineness in word and in deed, to show the harmony of his soul in action and the rightness of his choice in the doing of graceful and gracious deeds. The beauty of his action has less to do with the cause that his action will serve or the additional benefits that will accrue to himself or another — though there usually will be such benefits. It has, rather, everything to do with showing forth in action the beautiful soul at work, exactly as a fine dancer dances for the sake of dancing finely. As the ballerina both exploits and resists the downward pull of gravity to rise freely and gracefully above it, so the person of ethical virtue exploits and elevates the necessities of our embodied existence to act freely and gracefully above them. Fine conduct is the beautiful and intrinsically fulfilling being-at-work of the harmonious or excellent soul.

With his attractive picture of human flourishing, Aristotle offers lasting refuge against the seas of moral relativism. Taking us on a tour of the museum of the virtues — from courage and moderation, through liberality, magnificence, greatness of soul, ambition, and gentleness, to the social virtues of friendliness, truthfulness, and wit — and displaying each of their portraits as a mean between two corresponding vices, ­Aristotle gives us direct and immediate experience in seeing the humanly beautiful. Anyone who cannot see that courage is more beautiful than cowardice or rashness, or that liberality is more beautiful than miserliness or prodigality, suffers, one might say, from the moral equivalent of color-blindness.

But to act nobly, a noble heart is not enough. It needs help from a sharp mind. Though the beginnings of ethical virtue lie in habituation, starting in our youth, and though the core of moral virtue is the right-shaping of our loves and hates, by means of praise and blame, reward and punishment, the perfection of character finally requires a certain perfection of the mind. Aristotle's Ethics is famous also for teaching the indispensability of prudence or practical wisdom (phronêsis) for the supreme sort of ethical virtue. Strictly speaking, one cannot be ethically good unless one is practically wise.

Prudence is, to begin with, the ability to deliberate well about means to ends. But it also involves intuitive apprehension, both of the goodness of the ends that one is seeking and of the myriad particulars of each human situation, that alone enables the prudent man to seek and find the best possible action under the circumstances — even if it is a far cry from the best simply. Prudence is thus more than mere shrewdness. If not tied down to the noble and just ends that one has been habituated to love, the soul's native power of cleverness can lead to the utmost ­knavery. Just as one cannot be ethically excellent without being practically wise, so one cannot be practically wise unless one is ethically excellent.

We are today inclined to praise as excellent one or the other of two human types. Utilitarians esteem the shrewd and cunning man who knows how to get what he wants. Moralists praise the man of good will, the well-intentioned or good-hearted fellow bent on doing good. But these views, Aristotle shows us, are both inadequate. The highest human excellence in the realm of action requires both that one's intentions be good and that one's judgment be sound. Never a slave to abstract principles or rules of conduct, never a moral preener espousing "ideals" or doctrines, the prudent man knows that excellence really consists in finding and enacting the best thing to do here and now, always with a view to the good but always as seen in the light of the circumstances. He is truly a man for all seasons and for all occasions.

THE WISDOM OF THE AGES

Despite its power and beauty, the picture of human excellence and human flourishing presented in the Nicomachean Ethics leaves something to be desired, especially given the needs of modern readers in modern times. What help in thinking about their own possible flourishing are my democratic students really getting from learning to appreciate Aristotle's great-souled man? The virtues of civic life in the polis, beautiful though they still are, seem rather remote from everyday life in urban America, where sympathy, decency, consideration, integrity, and personal responsibility — mentschlichkeit — are more relevant and needed than battlefield courage, magnificence, or magnanimity. Yet, sad to report, many of today's students have had little rearing in foundational mentschlichkeit, so that efforts to lift their gaze to the ceiling of human greatness sometimes seem chimerical, given that the ethical floorboards on which they culturally stand are rather wobbly. Moreover, preoccupations with personal nobility often ignore matters of social justice and the larger public good. And looking only toward the beautiful best shortchanges the loveliness — and even more the ­obligations — of ordinary human lives, lived in families, friendships, neighborhoods, schools, and houses of worship — all of which, and especially the houses of worship, are, as Aristotle himself points out, surely more efficacious in forming our character than is studying the writings of great ­philosophers. Even in the absence of the cynical debunkers against whom Rousseau rightly railed, the best liberal education, though a jewel in the human crown, cannot by itself a good human being or citizen make.

Accordingly, in my third pursuit, spurred also by a concern for the state of our mores, I shifted my anthropological quest from the side of nature to the side of culture, seeking to know the human being not directly, in his nakedness, but indirectly, through an examination of the clothes that fit him best — the clothes of custom, law, song, and story, the works of culture and the materials of tradition, that work to bring out the best of which we are capable. The goal was still the same, but my focus was now the civil and civilizing habits, mores, and opinions that regulate everyday life and that make for human self-command and human flourishing in the domains of work, family, and the plethora of human affairs comprising civil society today. One result was a book, The Hungry Soul: Eating and the Perfecting of Our Nature, that began with philosophical reflections on human nature and its moral ambiguity, but moved quickly to discussions of the perfecting customs governing human appetite and eating — from the taboo against cannibalism and the duties of hospitality, to table manners and the virtue of moderation, to festive dining elevated by refinements of taste and wit, to the sanctification of the meal, begun with grace and experienced in gratitude. These explorations were greatly assisted by insights available in the writings of Homer and Herodotus, Plato and Erasmus, Tolstoy and Isak Dinesen, and in the Bible.

In a second project, interest in the cultural forms that can transform mere sexual desire into human eros and that can discipline eros in the direction of happy marriage led to Wing to Wing, Oar to Oar, an anthology (produced jointly with my wife) on courting and marrying. Once again, humanistic works and literary examples from across the ages — from Plato's Symposium to Erasmus' On Courtship and Kierkegaard's reflections on lasting love, from the Bible's Jacob and Rachel to Shakespeare's Rosalind and Orlando, Jane Austen's Elizabeth and Darcy, and Tolstoy's Pierre and Natasha — challenge our unexamined assumptions, sharpen our vision, and educate our desires by illuminating the goals of human longings and the more promising pathways to their fulfillment.

Any humanist seriously interested in the norms and customs governing everyday life cannot help noticing, later if not sooner, the ­prominent — not to say pre-eminent — role that our scriptural traditions have played and still play, often invisibly, in the opinions and teachings that guide us, as well as in the humanistic writings of our remote and recent past. And anyone devoted to teaching the great books of our tradition would surely want to see for himself just what the Good Book has to say for itself, not relying on hearsay. So it was that my search for the well-clothed human being eventually led me to study — at first, because I had to teach them — the books of the Hebrew Bible. Suspending disbelief, approaching the Bible with open mind and trying to allow the text to teach me how it wishes to be read, I have been astonished to ­discover an account of human life that can more than hold its own with the anthropological and ethical teachings offered by the great poets and philosophers.

I have discovered in the Hebrew Bible teachings of righteousness, humaneness, and human dignity — at the source of my parents' teachings of mentschlichkeit — undreamt of in my prior philosophizing. In the idea that human beings are equally God-like, equally created in the image of the divine, I have seen the core principle of a humanistic and democratic politics, respectful of each and every human being, and a necessary correction to the uninstructed human penchant for worshiping brute nature or venerating mighty or clever men. In the Sabbath injunction to desist regularly from work and the flux of getting and spending, I have discovered an invitation to each human being, no matter how lowly, to step outside of time, in imitatio Dei, to contemplate the beauty of the world and to feel gratitude for its — and our — existence. In the injunction to honor your father and your mother, I have seen the foundation of a dignified family life, for each of us the nursery of our humanization and the first vehicle of cultural transmission. I have satisfied myself that there is no conflict between the Bible, rightly read, and modern science, and that the account of creation in the first chapter of Genesis offers "not words of information but words of appreciation," as Abraham Joshua Heschel put it: "not a description of how the world came into being but a song about the glory of the world's having come into being" — the recognition of which glory, I would add, is ample proof of the text's claim that we human beings stand highest among the creatures. And thanks to my Biblical studies, I have been moved to new attitudes of gratitude, awe, and attention. For just as the world as created is a world summoned into existence under command, so to be a human being in that world — to be a mentsch — is to live in search of our ­summons. It is to recognize that we are here not by choice or on account of merit, but as an undeserved gift from powers not at our disposal. It is to feel the need to justify that gift, to make something out of our indebtedness for the opportunity of existence. It is to stand in the world not only in awe of its and our existence but under an obligation to answer a call to a worthy life, a life that does honor to the special powers and possibilities — the divine-likeness — with which our otherwise animal existence has been, no thanks to us, endowed.

Much more, of course, needs to be said about the relation between the wisdom(s) offered by the Bible — Jewish or Christian — and the wisdom sought by the philosophers or taught by the poets, and about the relation of each to the complexities of modern life. But with our humanity in the balance, it is imperative that in our search for self-­understanding and guidance we be willing to take help wherever we can find it. To say the least, no honest quest for the human can afford to turn a blind eye or a deaf ear to the wisdom of the prophets.

Just as today's natural sciences profit but also suffer from their having broken away from their once honored place within humanistic ­learning — gaining precise, objectified knowledge of nature's ­workings, but at the price of neglecting the works of nature's beings — so the humanities today profit but mainly suffer from having forgotten that the humanities took their origin and point of departure in contradistinction to the "divinities" — the inquiry into matters metaphysical and ultimately theological.

This separation at first liberated humanists from dogma and ­censorship, allowing for several centuries of profound thought and beautiful writing about the human condition and its possible flourishing. But the direction of humanistic learning in my lifetime — culminating in a cynical tendency to disparage the great ideas and to deconstruct the great works inherited from ages past — invites an all-important ­question. Can the humanities preserve their true dignity and answer their true calling if they close off or ignore questions of ultimate concern: the character and source of the cosmic whole and the place and work of the human being within it? Can we humanists complete our search for the human being without lifting our gaze, without looking beyond what human beings alone have wrought, to consider the powers not of our making that are the condition of the possibility of both the world and our special place within it?

THE CASE FOR THE HUMANITIES

What, then, summing up, can this unlicensed humanist say about his search for the human being? As with Diogenes, the quest continues, though the progress made makes cynicism even more unjustified. True, the hunt has not captured the quarry, in the sense that I have not found an answer, neatly formulated, sprawling on a pin, an improved substitute for "animal, biped and featherless." Instead, I have acquired a deeper understanding of the question itself and of the hidden depths of its object. I am much more mindful of what a full account of our humanity would entail, including attention to the larger whole — communal, natural, and beyond — in which we human beings are embedded and only in relation to which can we gain any fully flourishing humanity. I can attest to the incomparable value of living with the humanizing gifts of the great books — and the Good Book — open free of charge to every one of us, regardless of race, class, or gender. In the company of poets and playwrights, philosophers and prophets, novelists and ­naturalists — deeper human beings all — I have enlarged my vision, furnished my imagination, and deepened my awareness, well beyond what I had reason to expect from books.

Grappling with real-life concerns — from cloning to courtship, from living authentically to dying with dignity — has made me a better reader. Reciprocally, reading in a wisdom-seeking spirit has helped me greatly in my worldly grapplings. Not being held to the usual dues expected of a licensed humanist — professing specialized knowledge or publishing learned papers — I have been able to wander freely and most profitably in all the humanistic fields. I have come to believe that looking honestly for the human being, following the path wherever it leads, may itself be an integral part of finding it. A real question, graced by a long life to pursue it among the great books, has been an unadulterated blessing.

But the real key to my flourishing has been the living human company I have enjoyed on my journey. For unlike Diogenes, I have neither needed nor wanted to travel alone. I have been blessed with wonderful teachers and colleagues from whose speeches and thoughts in friendly conversation I have learned enormous amounts. I have been supremely blessed in my wife Amy, co-author and co-teacher — a real humanist, she — from whose literary studies, teaching collaborations, and lifelong conversations my quest has benefited enormously. And I have been blessed in my students, at St. John's College and the University of Chicago, where serious, thoughtful, smart, eager, engaged, and generous young people have been my most reliable companions in all phases of my journey of inquiry.

It is especially in the relation of one generation to the next that we are best able to understand the true worth of the humanities and the true calling of the humanist. Our students remind us that we too were once at the start of our own journeys, and that we have profited in the search for our humanity from the great cultural inheritance bequeathed to us by countless generations of past seekers, an inheritance opened for us by our own best teachers. Reflection on these unmerited gifts reminds us that we owe a comparable gift to those who will follow us on the path to self-knowledge, in search of wisdom. Too often, those passing for humanists today seek to cut their students off from their ­inheritance, or to deny its value and significance. But scholars and teachers of the humanities are entrusted above all with sustaining that gift in good order, perhaps adding to it another edifying layer or two, and showing the young why they too should value it and should make use of it in their own searches.

Most young people in my experience still want to be taken seriously. Despite their facile sophistications and easy-going cynicisms — more often than not, largely a defense against disappointment — most of them are in fact looking for a meaningful life or listening for a summons. Many of them are self-consciously looking for their own humanity and for a personal answer to Diogenes' question. If we treat them uncynically and respectfully, as people interested in the good, the true, and the beautiful, and if we read books with them in search of the good, the true, and the beautiful, they invariably rise to the occasion, vindicating our trust in their potential. And they more than repay our efforts by contributing to our quest their own remarkable insights and discoveries.

The search for our humanity, always necessary yet never more urgent, is best illuminated by the treasured works of the humanities and the "divinities," read in the company of open minds and youthful hearts, together seeking wisdom about how to live a worthy human life. To keep this lantern lit, to keep alive this quest: Is there a more important task for higher education today? Is there a more important calling for those of us who would practice the humanities, with or without a license?